Social Norms
First published Tue Mar 1, 2011; substantive revision Tue Dec 19, 2023 | Stanford Encyclopedia of PhilosophySocial norms, the informal rules that govern behavior in groups and societies, have been extensively studied in the social sciences. Anthropologists have described how social norms function in different cultures (Geertz 1973), sociologists have focused on their social functions and how they motivate people to act (Durkheim 1895 [1982], 1950 [1957]; Parsons 1937; Parsons & Shils 1951; James Coleman 1990; Hechter & Opp 2001), and economists have explored how adherence to norms influences market behavior (Akerlof 1976; Young 1998a). More recently, also legal scholars have touted social norms as efficient alternatives to legal rules, as they may internalize negative externalities and provide signaling mechanisms at little or no cost (Ellickson 1991; Posner 2000).
With a few exceptions, the social science literature conceives of norms as exogenous variables. Since norms are mainly seen as constraining behavior, some of the key differences between moral, social, and legal norms—as well as differences between norms and conventions—have been blurred. Much attention has instead been paid to the conditions under which norms will be obeyed. Because of that, the issue of sanctions has been paramount in the social science literature. Moreover, since social norms are seen as central to the production of social order or social coordination, research on norms has been focused on the functions they perform. Yet even if a norm may fulfill important social functions (such as welfare maximization or the elimination of externalities), it cannot be explained solely on the basis of the functions it performs. The simplistic functionalist perspective has been rejected on several accounts; in fact, even though a given norm can be conceived as a means to achieve some goal, this is usually not the reason why it emerged in the first place (Elster 1989a, 1989b). Moreover, although a particular norm may persist (as opposed to emerge) because of some positive social function it fulfills, there are many others that are inefficient and even widely unpopular.
Philosophers have taken a different approach to norms. In the literature on norms and conventions, both social constructs are seen as the endogenous product of individuals’ interactions (Lewis 1969; Ullmann-Margalit 1977; Vandershraaf 1995; Bicchieri 2006). Norms are represented as equilibria of games of strategy, and as such they are supported by a cluster of self-fulfilling expectations. Beliefs, expectations, group knowledge and common knowledge have thus become central concepts in the development of a philosophical view of social norms. Paying attention to the role played by expectations in supporting social norms has helped differentiate between social norms, conventions, and descriptive norms: an important distinction often overlooked in the social science accounts, but crucial when we need to diagnose the nature of a pattern of behavior in order to intervene on it.
The table offers one simple way to conceptualise different types of beliefs. The most important distinction is between social and non-social beliefs: social beliefs are known as “interdependent” and are a property of a group, non-social beliefs are the property of individuals.
Moral beliefs motivate behaviour regardless of what others may think. For example, if I believe that the death penalty is morally wrong, I may protest the practice even if most of my family and other close friends support it. Sometimes moral beliefs can acquire a normative dimension when people conform to a religious practice not because of their own internal belief, but because they fear that they may lose standing in their faith community if they did not conform to group expectations.
Greetings: Shaking hands when meeting someone in many Western cultures, while bowing is customary in countries like Japan.
Dining: Using forks and knives for eating in Western societies, whereas chopsticks are used in many East Asian countries.
Dress Code: Wearing formal attire in corporate settings, or covering one’s head in places of worship in certain religions.
Queueing: Waiting in line for one’s turn, such as at a supermarket checkout or bus stop.
Hygiene: Covering one’s mouth when coughing or sneezing.
Punctuality: Being on time for appointments or meetings is expected in many cultures.
Personal Space: Maintaining a certain distance when speaking to someone, with variations based on cultural norms.
Public Behavior: Keeping voice volume down in public places like libraries or cinemas.
Reciprocity: Sending a thank-you note after receiving a gift.
Digital Etiquette: Not looking over someone’s shoulder while they’re on their phone or avoiding loud phone conversations in public transport.
There is considerable pressure to conform to social roles. Social roles provide an example of social influence in general and conformity in particular. Most of us, most of the time, conform to the guidelines provided by the roles we perform.
We conform to the expectations of others. We respond to their approval when we play our roles well and to their disapproval when we play our roles badly.